Vietnam Academy Of Social Sciences

Korea in the Pivot to Asia Policy and Indo - Pacific Strategy of the US

19/04/2021

Pham Quy Long1

 

Abstract: In October 2011, former US President Barack Obama decided to implement a Pivot policy to the Asia-Pacific region (or Pivot to Asia). Despite the unfinished implementation, with the continuation of the administration of US President Donald Trump, the United States basically continues to pursue the core contents of this strategy by building a strategic more open than the old one. The content of "Indo-Pacific" was presented personally by US President Donald Trump at the 2017 APEC Summit held in Da Nang, Vietnam. From a security cooperation perspective, South Korea, one of the leading US allies in Northeast Asia, has also expressed its position and has mixed reactions on many levels. The paper will elaborate on the adaptive policy of the Korean government's "silent" to the US’s strategic adjustments in the region.

Keywords: South Korea, USA, Pivot Strategy, Indo – Pacific 

 

In the last years of the first decade of the 21st century, the Asia-Pacific region witnessed an extremely fierce strategic competition between superpowers, particularly between the United States and China. China has emerged as a bright star in the race for economic strength with other rivals. The year 2010 was an important milestone when China has overtaken Japan, becoming the world's second largest economy, only behind the United States.

In that context, after nearly a decade, since September 11th 2001 with the mark of the terrorist attacks on the Central Business Towers in the New York City, has left in America a shame in terms of symbolic security power that is never defeated. As a result, the United States has been bogged down in fighting global terrorism.

As a consequence, the regional vacuum of power emerged when the United States showed the signs of power weakening of a super nation, both in terms of economic and defense.

The "absence" of the possibility of regular presence of US power in the Asia-Pacific region is one of the causes of the weakening of security balance structure that has shaped after World War II. Moreover, many argues mentioned that: during the quite long time since 1972, with a mark of the former US President's visit to China and then through many later presidents, the United States expressed the "defenseless" diplomatic approach to China's "peaceful rise". China is considered as the inheritor of the position of the "favorable man" on the international political chessboard to seize the opportunity and increase the pressure of the competition strategic with the US, forcing the United States to force US to implement the rotation policy to Asia - Pacific region.

1. Overview the U.S.-Asia Pacific strategic under Barack Obama

In October 2011, former US President Barack Obama and then US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton declared their "Rotation to Asia-Pacific" strategy (or Pivot to Asia) to “ensure and maintain the leadership role of the world of America ". The goals of the plan described by US officials are economic engagement and regular attention to regional institutions and protection of international principles and laws. The "rotation" focuses mainly on economic and diplomatic aspects, but the military aspect is focused with the attention: developing capacity to deal with China's growing assertiveness in the East China and the South China Sea.

In order to make clearly the content of the rotation strategy under President Obama, the systematization of detailed content is essential for us to grasp its nature in comparison with the idea of Indo-Pacifíc strategy by President Donald Trump.

The objective of the Axis Rotation strategy (Pivot strategy)

The US continues to engage in the Asia- Pacific region to maintain economic interests, political cultural, military and diplomatic power, especially to curb countries that challenge America's dominant role in these regions and around the world with the goals:

(1)  Economic: in order to help the United States escape the crisis and recession, continue to be the regional and global economic leader;

(2)  Politically: the US wants to have a decisive voice in forums, organizations, and regional links, continues to affirm its position and role as the center of world leadership.

(4)  Regarding military: dealing with the strengthening of the military power of region, especially China, to support close allies to maintain superior military power and;

(5) Diplomatically: strengthening relations with allies to create a strategic balance between East and West; among Europe, Asia, America; between the United States and the centers of political, economic and military powers in the world; attract other countries to follow the US as a counterbalance to other countries in the region, first of all forming new alliances to surround and counterbalance China, then Russia...

Long term goals: bringing countries along the trajectory of American-led capitalism; restoring the status of America's superpower role and continued to assume responsibility for world hegemony. The Obama administration's measures are concretized as follows:

Firstly, strengthening bilateral security alliance relations with Japan, South Korea, Australia, Thailand and the Philippines on the basis of maintaining political consensus with the core values of the alliance relationship; ensure flexible alliances to deal with new challenges as well as take advantage of new opportunities; ensure defense and information infrastructure possibility to deter any provocation.

Secondly, strengthening relations with emerging countries and potential countries such as China, India, Indonesia, Singapore, New Zealand, Malaysia, Mongolia, Vietnam, Brunei and island nations in Pacific.

Thirdly, increasing engagement of regional institutions by engaging in full participation in forums and organizations such as ASEAN, APEC, EAS... and playing an active role in developing the agenda of these forums.

Fourthly, expanding relations, trade and investment in the region through APEC, G20 and Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) to promote market opening, reduce trade barriers, increase transparency and implement commitments to fair trade.

Fifthly, increasing US military presence in the region, on the one hand conducting "modernization" of military relations with allies in Northeast Asia, on the other hand, seeking to increase its presence in Southeast Asia and Indian Ocean.

Sixthly, pressing countries to carry out reforms to enhance the protection of democracy, human rights and political freedom in the US and Western style.

When looking back on the forecast assessments of world political analysits made in the early 1990s about the movement trend of the world and the FARMS with the proposition: “The 21st century is the Pacific Age”, people are a little skeptical. Today, however, has witnessed the accuracy of this prediction when China formally abandoned its development policy and strategy with the so-called "waiting for its time" in the "peaceful rise" manner. Since the rise of China is no longer peaceful, there are different assessments of its impact on the development in the region and in the world, both positive and negative effects. Many believe that it is the emergence of China that could endanger the regional security environment because of erroneous strategic calculations in the Sino-US competition, especially when the parties deliberately drag other countries and exert pressure to spread their own influence. In this context, it is the absence of American power that may have created an indirect void that nurtured Xi Jinping's "Chinese Dream" to become more and more intense. Because of such concerns, former US President Barack Obama decided to implement the "rotation" policy to the Asia-Pacific area, although the implementation process is still unfinished than expected. However, thanks to the continuation of the 45th US government with incumbent President Donald Trump (since 2017~until now), the United States has shown that it continues to pursue the core content of the Rotation strategy by constructing an expanded strategic idea with the strategic connotation "Free Indo - Pacific". This action of Donald Trump is intended to create ambiguity so that both the enemy and its allies or U.S. partners may misinterpret the nature of this country's strategic intent. Therefore, a number of important questions are raised for countries in Northeast Asia, especially South Korea, a close ally of the United States, such as: how do they receive a change of American strategy? What is the position and role of Korea in the US-Korea security alliance? Do the recent signs of peace in the inter-Korean relationship promote Moon and Kim being closer together? This content should continue to be discussed in the following sections in order to see clearly the nature of Korea's "silent" policy adaptation as well as the future of the US-Korea security alliance.

2. Analyzing the US idea strategic "Free and Open Indo-Pacific"

As we all know, in December 2017, the US government officially published the full text of the "national security strategy" of the United States under President Donald Trump. This is a very important policy which report that Donald Trump wants to inform Americans and countries around the world about the views and ways in which his administration will take action to protect the interests of Americans and the US in the spirit of "America first". One of many issues of great interest is the way the Trump administration expresses it to clarify the implications of the Indo-Pacific strategy.

Collectively, Donald Trump's policy idea needs to be addressed in the following three priority action areas.

Firstly, in terms of politics: America redefines "America's vision of the Indo- Pacific covering all nations." The United States will double its commitment to established alliances and partnerships, and expand and deepen relationships with new partners, sharing respect for its owners rights, fair trade relations, reciprocity and rule of law. The United States will strengthen its commitment to freedom of navigation and peaceful settlement of territorial and maritime disputes in accordance with international law. The United States will work with allies and partners to achieve a comprehensive, verifiable and irreversible denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula and maintain a regime of non-proliferation nuclear gas in Northeast Asia.

Secondly, in terms of economics: The United States will encourage regional cooperation to maintain free and open sea lanes, transparent financing of infrastructure, unimpeded trade, and peaceful settlement of disputes. The United States will pursue bilateral trade agreements on a fair and reciprocal basis. The United States will seek an equitable and reliable approach to its exports.

The United States will work with partners to build a network of free-market nations and be protected from forces that may undermine their sovereignty. The United States will strengthen cooperation with allies on high quality infrastructure. In addition to cooperating with Australia and New Zealand, the United States will support weak partner countries in the Pacific Islands to reduce their vulnerability to economic fluctuations and natural disasters.

Third, in terms of military and security. The United States will maintain a military presence on the front lines which is capable of stopping and defeating any enemy if necessary. The United States will strengthen its long-term military relationship and encourage the development of a strong military network with its allies and partners. For example, the United States will cooperate on missile defense with Japan and South Korea to improve regional defenses. The United States is ready to respond with overwhelming force to the DPRK's negative restraint and will improve the options to promote denuclearization on the peninsula. The United States will improve law enforcement, defense cooperation, and intelligence with partners in Southeast Asia to address the growing threat of terrorism. The United States will maintain a solid relationship with Taiwan, consistent with its "One China" policy, including commitments under the Taiwan Relations Act, to ensure the need for defense. Taiwan's law and prevent coercion. The United States will expand defense and security cooperation with India, a major US defense partner, and support India's growing relations in the region. The United States will energize alliances with the Philippines and Thailand, and strengthen partnerships with Singapore, Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia and other countries to help them become maritime cooperation partners.

Thus, after the official announcement of the strategic idea related to adjusting the strategic concept of Indo-Pacific region by President Donald Trump at the APEC Summit (Da Nang, Vietnam, November 2017), the idea was was officially approved by the US National Security Strategy and announced by President Trump in December 2017. However, it is worth noting that, over a period of just one year, from November 2017 to November 2018, the US approach to the Indo-Pacific strategic concept was soon complementary and clearly in case of its inner content. This is seen as an explanation to reassure the US allies and partners before the various reactions in the region.

During the visit of the US Vice President Mike Pence in Asia, the US State Department on November 18, 2018 issued a statement as well as reaffirmed the US commitment to the Indo-Pacific region. The statement mentioned: “A year ago in Vietnam (APEC 2017, Da Nang), President Donald J. Trump raised the US vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific region, in which every nation is sovereign, strong and prosperous. Vice President M. R. Pence's visit to Asia reaffirmed America's strong and long-standing commitment to the region and emphasized the expansion of cooperation with US partners.”

The US State Department also said that the current US approach to the Indo-Pacific will focus on three key areas: economy, administration, and security. In the economic pillar, to enhance overall prosperity, the United States is taking a participatory approach of the entire government to promote fair and reciprocal trade, enhance economic cooperation and trade along with adhering to the highest standards and respecting sovereignty and self- determination of the host country, as well as mobilizing private sector investment for the Indo-Pacific region.

In the governance pillar, the United States is committed to working with countries in the Indo-Pacific region in creating the necessary conditions to open the door to greater private investment, fighting corruption and ensuring the self- determination of states, promoting transparency, publicity, the rule of law and the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms.

In the security pillar, the United States is stepping up cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region to confront common threats, protect common resources, and protect sovereignty. Specifically, the United States is working closely with the region in denuclearizing the Korean peninsula, protecting maritime rights and freedoms in the East China Sea and South China Sea, as well as preventing the development of its owners, terrorism and violent extremism. Consistent with that, Vice President Pence's speech wanted to convince the countries in the region that the dynamics of the US economy were the driving force for prosperity in the Indo- Pacific region and around the world. No country is investing more in this region than the United States, a country with foreign direct investment of $ 940 billion, which is driving the growth of countries in the Indo- Pacific. The US government is also providing a grant of more than US $ 1.8 billion for the region in 2018. The US currently provides more than half a billion US dollars in security support for the Indo- Pacific region, which was in 2018 twice as much as in 2017.

It is clear that with what is shown in the 3 pillars mentioned above, the US wants to clearly show its role and position in the chessboard of a strategic competition between China and the US superpowers. In this competitive context, the challenge of the opponent is getting into a complicated, but the advantage still belongs to the US. The geopolitical space has been expanded and clearly defined. Regarding the gathering and building up the competition force between the US and China, the levels and partners are also clearly specified. Regarding the motto, the way of action, they are also becoming more and more clearly expressed by the Trump administration on the base of actual progress of Sino-US competition. South Korea is a middle-class country and a long- time ally in the military alliance with the United States, feeling itself in a dilemma when dealing with China as well as current inter-Korean relations.

3. Repositioning the role  of  Korea  in the US strategic transformation

With the content and strategic adjustments mentioned above of the US, although there seems to be some flashy adjustment of words from the term "rotation or rebalancing" to "free and open Indo - Pacific”, these adjustments have been consider as a basis of the policymaking and implementation of policies by different presidents of the US revolves around the core axis of "ensuring consistency and alignment" of the policy system pursued by American political elites for the sake and value of American democracy globally."

A more detailed analysis of the contents showing the strategic adjustment of the United States from Obama to Trump is completely appropriate and reflected in the relations between two big countries that the US has established since 1945 up to now. America has always been in the position of a superpower and now they are being challenged.

It is added that, the Cold War seemed to have ended in 1990 when the Soviet Union collapsed, but at the present time, the structure of regional security balances since that period seems to be ineffective, given the increasingly tense US-China strategic correlation. Therefore, it is understandable that China’s rise is the primary cause of the US strategic focus on Asia-Pacific to continue maintaining close relationships with allies and partners and developing new approaches to achieve its strategic goal of restraining China.

Moreover, as a common logic, close allies of the US, such as Japan in the same trilateral alliance in Northeast Asia, have been receiving the change of US strategy enthusiastically and proactively. The Japanese government actively participates as an alliance member with a key role in building new security pillars in the region. Japans is known for the idea of collaborating with the "Diamond Security Quadrilateral" including the US, Japan, Australia and India to restrain Chinese influence.

However, in the case of South Korea, one of the leading US allies in Northeast Asia, the Korean government has shown a "quiet" reaction when US President Donald Trump announced the idea of implementing the "Free and open Indo- Pacific” at the 2017 APEC Summit in Da Nang (Vietnam).

The South Korean government has not expressed any enthusiasm or supportive attitude in its statements to Trump's ideas, particularly in indentifying the area's scope of expanding India - Pacific geopolitical connotation. The Korean government had previously favored the Rotation (security rebalancing) strategy under former President Barack Obama. Many people believe that the unresponsive attitude and unwarranted response of Moon Jae in’s government toward President Trump's adjustment of the Indo - Pacific strategy have their intent. This is to ensure the purpose of balancing its own diverse international relations.

However, it should be noted that a cautious and noiseless attitude in the policy response of Moon Jae in’s government is completely opposite to his predecessor, Park Geun-hye. Although Ms. Park was removed from office as president, the policy idea of the Korean government at that time also showed its clear attitude and action of strong support for the statements on the US adjustment of Asia-Pacific strategy since Obama. In particular, South Korea decided to allow the United States to deploy a terminal high-altitude missile interception system (THAAD), which made China extremely angry and pushed the Korea- China relationship to a freeze then.

So what is a more plausible reason to explain the cautiousness of the current Korean government's policy response to US strategic adjustments in the Asia-Pacific region? At first glance, from the silent approach and seemingly indifferent reaction of the Korean government to US President Donald Trump's proposed Indo - Pacific strategic idea, did Korea make people think that there was a rift in US-Korea alliance? Has Korea been fascinated by the goal and the sentiment of national unity between the two regions that has been rising since the leaders of the two Koreas had contacts? Or are the unpleasant phenomena emerging from the pressure and the new demand for cost sharing of security of Korea as Trump's approach?

Although the above questions seem appropriate to the practical context, it seems that it makes it easy to forget the nature of the US-Korea security alliance that has been formed since 1953. Remember that, on October 1, 2019, the two countries marked the 66-year milestone since the US and South Korea signed a military alliance treaty. This treaty was signed on October 1, 1953, just two months after the pause of 1950-53 Korean War with an armistice. Under the agreement, the United States and South Korea must help each other if one of the two countries faces an armed attack from outside. This treaty also provided the legal basis for the deployment of American troops in Korea ever since.

The security environment in Northeast Asia since the Second World War up to now has made many special hallmarks. The Korean peninsula has been divided into two countries by the trend of hostility and confrontation. South Korea has become a separate nation in the south and the opposite of the North is the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Due to the influence of the Cold War period, the civil war between the two regions of 1950-1953 occurred and left extremely complicated political problems between the two regions and created a security environment in Northeast Asia in the instability state by its very important geopolitical position in the strategic competition chessboard of major countries.

Since then, however, the Cold War-style relationship structure has always required the presence of the United States in order to create a regional security balance. The United States has always advocated a "wheel and spokes" approach to relations in the US- led system of regional allies. Currently, US allies, including South Korea, seek and reaffirm a closer cooperation with the US, especially in dealing with security issues due to new challenge in the area. It could be seen in the United States' strategic commitments, affirmed no change from the period of Obama's presidency to the current Trump.

Many studies have also shown that countries in the region are becoming increasingly aware of the opportunities and risks associated with maintaining economic and political relations with China. The risks coming from the risk of sovereignty disputes, trade disputes, issues of dealing with nuclear crisis and missiles on the Korean peninsula... will certainly affect the international relations among countries. As a result of a strategic competition between the United States and China, the United States cannot force its allies to choose Washington or Beijing in implementing and developing bilateral relations. If one-sided selection is used, this could lead countries to risk of confrontation in the region. However, the United States is present in the region as a major power, strengthening relations with allies to form a network of "wheel hubs and spokes." This coordination model is something that China is not happy with. The United States wants to rally its allies to coordinate policy and action with the United States to ensure its interests and deal with its challenges, especially from the rise of China. From the point of view of an ally, along with Japan, South Korea is well aware that it has a key role in the US rebalancing strategy. South Korea remains one of the key partners to ensure US access and influence in the Asia-Pacific region, especially dealing with nuclear and missile issues on the Korean Peninsula. South Korea always affirme that it has an extremely important geostrategic position in Asia-Pacific as well as in Northeast Asia with an area of about 222,154 km2 and a population of approximately 60 million people and it is always home to approximately 28,500 US military personnel, along with many state- of-the-art military facilities and equipment, including the arrangement of the terminal high-level missile interception system.

For the United States, in terms of security, in the US-Asia Pacific strategy, along with its Japanese allies, Korea is still considered as the heart in the first island chain of the Asia-Pacific region. The first island chain built by the US during the Cold War period has 4 important points: "The beginning of the island chain" is Korea, the "island chain" is the Philippines, "the island chain lock" is Taiwan, and "the center" is Japan. In the arrangement of Washington, South Korea always plays an important role. This first island chain will play a key role in maintaining a military balance between China and the Korea-US-Japan alliance.

Currently, South Korea has implemented an overall strategy to cooperate more closely with the United States and other regional partners under the revised US-Korea Security Treaty (SCM) signed on October 8, 2010 and the 2015 Strategic Alliance Plan. The alliance with the US has always been a mainstay of Korea's foreign policy since this assertion was redefined in the 2010 Security Cooperation Treaty. The United States is committed to South Korea's defense issues to counter its use of its military bases. Those core strategic agreements are still valid to date and the cooperation of the two countries' union has made a stronger development to cope with changes in the regional security environment. As Kim Eui- kyeom, a South Korean President's spokesman, quoted President Moon Jae-in, May 2, 2018 in a Green House press release as saying: “U.S. troops stationed in South Korea are an issue regarding the alliance between South Korea and the United States. It has nothing to do with signing peace treaties.”

On the other hand, from the perspective of regional coordination and global governance, one can give further explanations that from the Rotation to Asia strategy to the free and open Indo-Pacific strategic idea of President Donald Trump, in addition to allies in Northeast Asia such as South Korea and Japan, the US government still attaches special importance to ASEAN's central role, promoting comprehensive engagement with ASEAN including working level and policy level.

Because the US government defines Northeast Asia and ASEAN as the two keys for the United States to continue to coordinate and show the US leadership in the world. Thus, in terms of global governance, international legal systems need to be respected and continue to be implemented in the South China Sea, the East China Sea in terms of freedom of navigation and open skies for all nations. Therefore, in its strategic intent, the US government wants the Korean allies that already have fundamental relationships with the ASEAN region, connecting different regions of the world, from Asia to the Oceania, from the Pacific to the Indian Ocean and having a strategic position for international trade and politics must show and contribute more to its role.

For decades, along with Japan in an alliance with the United States, sharing its views on American democratic values, South Korea also expressed an interest in the ASEAN region through its own foreign policy. South Korea as a middle power has actively implemented the idea of "Southern Policy" by President Moon Jae-in. Seoul has continued to promote its economic and cultural influence through the expanded Korea-Mekong cooperation program, and the South Korean-Lower Mekong subregion cooperation, emphasizing its role in coordination with Vietnam. These activities are indirectly promoting Korean policies shaping, closely coordinating with US strategic intent in various fields and levels such as security, politics, economy, and global administration. Clearly, ASEAN- centric security network is being implemented in Southeast Asia and has received support from many countries, including the US and South Korea.

In summary, in the context that the Asia- Pacific region has many potential uncertainties, the morphology and trend of India-US strategic competition become complicated and unpredictable. Moreover, in response to the US strategic shift to the Indo-Pacific region and with the "understanding" of the "freedom and openness” concept in its own way, the Korean government have no official statements of endorsement or opposition to US strategic initiatives to avoid misunderstandings causing negative reactions from China.

However, as a US ally in the military alliance in Northeast Asia, South Korea also used many different forms to prove itself fulfilling the role and position of a security coalition led by the United States. This is reflected in the coordination of Korean policies and actions with other countries in the direction of forming a new structure of regional security balance, especially in Indian Ocean and South China Sea as the way that Korean leaders understand. South Korea also expressed its view to consider supporting ASEAN countries to ensure security and freedom of navigation.

For example, recent activities to promote defense cooperation with Vietnam or Indonesia are clear evidence. Thus, despite the appearance of a "silent" reaction to US strategic changes in the Asia-Pacific region, with specific actions from the Southern policy, the current Korean government of President Moon Jae - in further expressed his intention to continue to play a greater and more active role in bringing about peace in Asia and in the rest of the world. This may have an indirect meaning and message that Korea still has a very important role and link to promote the successful implementation of American strategic ideas in Asia-Pacific.

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1 Assoc. Prof., Ph.D., Institute for Northeast Asian Studies, Vietnam Academy of Social Science

REFERENCES

1. Refer to the "US National Security Strategy" in December 2017, US President Donald Trump, US Department of State.

2. Press Release of the US Department of State on November 18, 2018.

3. Korean encyclopedia, 2017 figures.

4. Press Release of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Korea on May 2, 2018; Kim Eui- kyeom, a South Korean President's spokesman, quoted President Moon Jae-in as saying in the Blue House press release.

5. Vietnam News Agency, "The balanced Korean diplomacy is having difficulty accumulating"; SAA, December 7, 2017; No. 324.

6. Vietnam News Agency, "The US-Korea alliance is strong"; SAA, April 15, 2018; No. 097. Vietnam News Agency, "Visualize a new US-Korean security structure"; SAA, January 11, 2019; No. 010.

 

Sources cited: JOURNAL OF Vietnam Review of Northeast Asian Studies, Vol. 8 – 2020.

 

 



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